Comments: PAT *ćǝwǝ (cf. Bzyb. á-ću 'village'). The relationship between the Abkh. and Ub. forms is very probable, although we have to suppose a metathesis of labialisation and palatalisation (*ć:ǝwV / *c:ʷǝjV).
Comments: PAK *c:ǝʒá. In the Abkh. dialects the root underwent significant changes, cf. also Bzyb. a-pš-ʒǝ́ / a-pš́-ʒǝ́ 'weasel'. The PAT form must have been *cǝʒV or *ćǝʒV; with metathesis and partial reduplication it is preserved in Abaz. ʒǝʒǝc. In Abkh. it was used in a compound, most probably with *pǝš́ǝ 'red': *a-pǝš́ǝ-c( ́)ǝʒa (with reduction) > a-pš-ʒá / a-pš́-ʒǝ́.
In Ub. we have cǝza 'marten', which is certainly an Ad. loan; the genuine word, cited by Vogt 1963 from Dumézil 1959, is ćaca 'beaver'.
If we take all the said into account, correspondences between the three branches will be quite regular (we have only to assume an assimilation *ćaʒa > ćaca in Ub.).
The correct comparison of all three branches see in Aбдоков 1973, 50. Shagirov's (1977, 168) attempt to derive the AK form from Turkic (Kirgh. sūsar etc., ultimately from Pers. susmar) is, of course, untenable for phonetic reasons.
Comments: The root is used only in compounds. Abkh.: á-č̌-matʷa 'plough' (-matʷa 'thing'), a-č̌-éjχa 'ploughshare' (ájχa 'iron'), a-č̌-mā 'ploughhandle' (a-mā́ 'handle), a-č̌a-ʁʷa-ra 'to plough' (lit. 'to pull the plough' = Abaz. čʷa-ʁʷa-ra id.). Ub.: cʷā-bźá 'ploughshare' ( = PAK *c:ʷa-bʒá id.; about the second part see under PWC *pǝźa), cʷǝ-ntá 'furrow left by a plough'. All these data leave no doubt in the existence of a separate PWC root *c:ʷa 'plough'. Shagirov (1, 104-105) is quite right in distinguishing this root from PWC *c:ʷǝ 'ox'; however, his proposal to consider it the same morpheme as *zʷa 'to plough' (q.v.) can not be accepted - all languages clearly distinguish these two roots phonetically.
Comments: In Abkh. cf. also Bzyb. a-ʁ́-čá 'spittle'. The root *cʷa (*c:ʷa) is clearly discernible in Abkh. and Ub., although other components are not clear. In other languages the root had suffered expressive changes: cf. Abaz. ḳa-ǯʷǯʷa-ra 'to spit' (ǯʷ under the influence of ǯʷa-ra 'to vomit') and č̣ǝ-c̣a-ʒǝ 'spittle' (č̣ǝc̣a- instead of *č̣ǝ-čʷa- under the influence of č̣ǝc̣a 'soreness of the mouth); Ad. wǝ-ź̌ǝ-ntxa-n, Kab. wǝ-bźǝ-txa-n 'to spit' (with quite irregular correspondences).
Comments: PAT *cʷa, PAK *sʷa. In AK and Ub. the root is also used for 'bark', but in compounds (Ad. pχā-ša, Kab. pχā-fa /pχa 'tree'/, Ub. cʷa-žʷá /second component not quite clear/).
Comments: An expressive and very irregular stem (cf. also Abkh. Bz. aʕʷǝ́nč̣̌ǝš,ajǝnč̣̌ǝš); details of its morphological structure and history of transformations are not clear yet, but if the root is *ča(n)čǝ- (as suggested by the Ub. form), it probably has some parallels in EC languages.
Comments: PAT *č́ǝ (the Abkh. form is a compound with -gʷǝ 'middle, heart' and a connecting morpheme -rǝ-). Some comments on the Ub. form see also under *ƛǝ.
Comments: PAK *čḳa. Since there are no Ub. or PAT parallels (despite Balkarov 1964, 117 Ub. Laq̇́ǝ́ 'calf' can not be compared), it is hard to guess the nature of the initial affricate in PWC (since in PAK there occurred neutralizations in clusters like *CK-). External evidence suggests that it must have been a hushing affricate. Also both velar *ḳ or uvular *q̇ may be reconstructed (since in clusters with dental affricates the Adygh languages do not tolerate uvulars).
Comments: PAT *č́ǝxʷǝ- (cf. also Bz. a-č́xʷ-rá). PAK *-č́xǝ- 'to rain' (cf. also the noun *wa-č́xǝ́ > Ad. waš́xǝ, Kab. wašx, where the first component is *wa 'sky'). Ubykh has š́ instead of the expected č́ since combinations of affricates + fricatives are forbidden; for a possible etymology of tʷa- see under *tʷa 'liquid'. Comparison of the AK and Ubykh forms see in Abdokov 1973, 70; AK and Abkh. - in Klimov 1967, 304.
The semantic shift 'urinate' > 'rain' is quite acceptable (cf. russ. мочить - мочиться etc.); therefore Shagirov's (2, 228) criticism of Klimov's etymology is hardly justified.
